First Partition Of Poland
Author: Fletcher, James
1772
Of the three partitions which Poland underwent in the last quarter of the
eighteenth century, the first was due to the jealousies of European powers.
It was an event of great significance for the Polish kingdom, ominous of
future spoliations, which indeed followed, to the destruction of its political
life. It had been long since Poland passed her golden age - two centuries and
more. In the mean time she had undergone many vicissitudes, yet had preserved
her identity as a state.
When Russia had won successes in the war of 1768-1774 with Turkey, she
seized the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia. Austria, seeing in this
acquisition a menace to her eastern frontier, opposed it. Russia, in order to
appease Austria, looked about for territory that might be obtained for her in
compensation. The state of affairs in Poland presented a tempting opportunity
for interference which might lead to a division of the kingdom. Stanislaus II,
King of Poland, had been elected in 1764, mainly through the influence of
Russia - he was one of Catharine II's lovers. His people had risen against
him when Russia adopted her policy of spoliation. Prussia, as well as
Austria, advanced territorial claims, and the partition of 1772, really
planned by Frederick the Great, was consummated on the basis of a secret
treaty of those powers with Catharine's government.
Some writers, possessed with the love of reducing political transactions
to one rigid scale of cause and effect, and at the same time of exhibiting
their acumen by threading the mazes of events up to remote circumstances,
pretend to trace the design of the partition of Poland for more than a century
back. Rulhiere seems to plume himself on the idea. "The projects executed in
our days against Poland," he observes, "were proposed more than a hundred
years ago. I have discovered this important and hitherto unknown circumstance
in the archives of foreign affairs of France." This point had been canvassed
under the reign of John Casimir; and it only remains to be remarked that such
very subtle analysis of the motives and progress of actions generally
overshoots the mark, since no men can act always according to rule, but are in
some degree influenced by circumstances and caprice. It would be equally
absurd to imagine that Frederick, in the complicated intrigues which preceded
the first partition, was actuated by one deeply laid scheme of policy to
arrive at one end: the possession of Polish Prussia. It was, indeed,
absolutely essential for him to obtain this province, to consolidate and open
a communication between his scattered dominions, which then, as Voltaire says,
were stretched out like a pair of gaiters; but it remained a desideratum
rather than a design, since he knew that neither Russia nor Austria would be
inclined to permit the aggression; for the former had evidently marked out the
whole of Poland for herself, and would consider Frederick an unwelcome
intruder; while Austria, which had lately experienced the Prussian King's
encroachments, was more jealous than ever of his obtaining the slightest
aggrandizement, and had openly declared that she would not allow the seizure
of the least Polish village. His views, however, widened as he advanced, and
no doubt he spoke with sincerity when he told the Emperor Joseph that "he had
never followed a plan in war, much less any plan in policy, and that events
alone had suggested all his resolutions." Admitting the truth of this, we
proceed to trace out the circumstances which produced this crisis.
The relations of the three courts, at the commencement of the war between
Russia and Turkey (1768), did not portend anything like a coalition;
Frederick, indeed, was in alliance with Russia, but also secretly favored the
Sultan; Austria was all but an open enemy of both Russia and Prussia.
Circumstances, however, obliged Austria to forget her hatred to Prussia, and
Frederick thus became the mediator between the courts of Vienna and St.
Petersburg. Frederick had every reason to wish to lull the suspicions and
jealousies of Austria, that he might be left in undisputed possession of
Silesia; and that power, moreover, was no longer an object of dread or
jealousy to him, for the Seven Years' War had reduced its resources to the
lowest ebb. The dispositions of the court of Vienna cannot be comprised in so
few words: its situation was much more complicated, its policy more
embarrassed, and the persons who governed it will be much more difficult to
make known.
Maria Theresa was now not very far from the tomb, and after all the
arduous struggles she had undergone for the defence of her states,
vicissitudes she had experienced, and the exhaustion of her resources, she
determined to end her days in peace. She devoted almost the whole of her time
to superstitious devotions in a gloomy chamber hung round with death's heads,
and a portrait of her late husband in the act of expiring. She yet cherished,
however, some of the feelings of mortality, implacable hatred to Frederick,
and contempt mingled with hate for Catharine II, of whom she never spoke but
with disdain, calling her "that woman." Besides, she could sometimes also
silence the reproaches of conscience, so as to seize for the public use the
bequests of the pious for religious purposes, and to confiscate the revenues
of rich monasteries apparently without any compunction. Men fancied, says our
author, that they could foresee in all this conduct that if this just and
religious Princess had power enough over herself to silence her generosity and
even sometimes her piety, she might perhaps be capable in some state crisis of
incurring still greater remorse and silence justice.
Her minister, Kaunitz, to whom she intrusted all the management of
affairs, is not the least important personage in this drama, nor did he
underrate his own consequence. "Heaven," said he, "is a hundred years in
forming a great mind for the restoration of an empire, and it then rests
another hundred years; on this account I tremble for the fate which awaits
this monarchy after me." Throughout a long and arduous ministry he had shown
himself the most subtle and refined politician, unfettered in his schemes by
any remorse or feeling, and making a boast that he had no friends. Such a man
was well fitted to play the part allotted to him. After the conclusion of the
long war, he had made it his policy to repair the damages the empire had
sustained by alliances, and even his opposition to Frederick daily subsided.
But it was another agent who commenced the connection between Austria and
Prussia. Joseph, Maria Theresa's son and coregent with his mother, detested
this pacific policy and longed for war. He was, however, obliged to submit;
for Maria dreaded the effects of this warlike propensity, and kept the
government in the hands of her ministers. He had continual contentions with
the Empress, and urged her to improve her finances by conquest or aggression;
but all the power he could obtain was the command of the troops, which he
augmented to two hundred thousand men, and organized them under the counsel of
his field marshal, Lacy. In his mania for military matters he visited in 1768
all the fields of battle of the last war, and after traversing Bohemia and
Saxony, and learning from his generals the causes of the defeats and
victories, he approached in the course of his tour the borders of Prussian
Silesia, where Frederick was engaged in his annual reviews. The King sent a
polite message, and expressed a great desire to be personally acquainted with
him. The young Prince could not pay a visit to the former enemy of his family
without previously consulting his mother, the Empress; and the interview was
deferred till the next year; when it took place on August 25th, at Neisse, a
town in Silesia.
At this period the war between Russia and Turkey engrossed general
attention, and seems to have formed the principal subject of the conference;
but no resolutions of any importance were agreed to. The flattering manner in
which Frederick received the young Prince must have made a great impression on
his mind; and the extravagant compliments which were lavished on him were
highly gratifying to youthful vanity, from such a great man. Frederick
frequently repeated that Joseph would surpass Charles V; and though it has the
appearance of irony to those acquainted with the denouement of this youthful
monarch's character, it was probably not intended so, for Frederick, we have
seen before, could stoop to the most servile adulation when it answered his
purpose. Be that as it may, the effect on Joseph was the same, for on his
return he spoke of the Prussian monarch with the highest enthusiasm.
Maria Theresa was growing old, and the Austrian ministers began to turn
to the rising sun; the eyes of Kaunitz were opened to the policy of
cultivating a friendship with Prussia; and the correspondence between the two
courts became every day more frequent. This led to another conference between
the two princes at Neustadt, in Moravia, which was held on September 3, 1770,
and at which Kaunitz was present. The King was more courteous than ever; he
appeared in the military uniform of Austria, and continued to wear it as long
as he remained in the Austrian territory. He made use of every species of
compliment. One day, as they were leaving the dining-room and the Emperor
made a motion to give him the precedence, he stepped back, saying with a
significant smile and double entendre, not lost on Joseph, "Since your
imperial majesty begins to manoeuvre, I must follow wherever you lead." Nor
did he spare his civilities to Kaunitz, with the view of removing the rankling
feeling which had often made that conceited minister exclaim, "The King of
Prussia is the only man who denies me the esteem which is due to me."
Kaunitz insisted on the necessity of opposing the ambitious views of
Russia, and stated that the Empress would never allow Catharine to take
possession of Moldavia and Wallachia, which would make her states adjoin those
of Austria; nor permit her to penetrate farther into Turkey. He added that an
alliance between Austria and Prussia was the only means of checking
Catharine's overbearing power. To this Frederick replied that being in
alliance with the court of St. Petersburg, his only practicable measure was to
prevent the war from becoming general by conciliating the friendly feelings of
Catharine toward Austria. On the day after this conference a courier arrived
from Constantinople, with the news of the destruction of the Turkish fleet and
the rout of their army, and to request the mediation of the courts of Vienna
and Berlin. To this both readily assented, but without agreeing upon any
terms.
Frederick did not forget to follow up his former mode of tactics with the
Emperor; he pretended to make him the confidant of all his designs, a species
of flattery most gratifying to a young prince. On his return to Berlin, also,
the King affected to imitate the Austrian manners, and uttered several pompous
panegyrics on the talents of Joseph, who had recited to him some of Tasso's
verses, and nearly a whole act of the Pastor Fido.
Thus did Frederick avail himself of circumstances to commence an amicable
correspondence with Austria, and he thus became the medium of communication
between the hostile courts of Vienna and St. Petersburg. No more direct
intelligence, however, existed between these two states than before; for great
as was Theresa's hatred against Catharine, Catharine's was no less violent;
and even when Austria made friendly overtures, through Frederick, concerning
mediation between Turkey and Russia, she desired Frederick to desist, and
rejected the interference.
A channel of communication, however, was opened between the three
conspiring powers; and the next step was for one of the triumvirate to broach
the iniquitous partition plot. It is made a matter of much dispute which of
them started the project, and they all equally disclaim the infamy of being
its author. The fact, no doubt, was, that in this, as in all other unjust
coalitions, they did not, in the first instance, act on a preconcerted plan;
but each individual power cherished secretly its design, and like designing
villains, who understand one another, almost
"Without eyes, ears, and harmful sound of words,"
the conspiring parties were naturally drawn together by the similarity of
reckless atrocity in their designs.
It cannot be imagined that the scheme of partition originated with
Catharine; she had long been the real mistress of Poland, the King was nothing
more than her tenant at will, and it required only a little time for the whole
kingdom to sink into a Russian province. The intentions of the other powers
began to evince themselves more plainly in 1770. Frederick began to throw out
hints of claims on certain Polish districts; he obliged the Polish Prussians
to furnish his troops with horses and corn in exchange for debased money,
which was either forged Polish silver coin, only one-third of its nominal
value, or false Dutch ducats, 17 per cent. under the proper value. By this
disgraceful species of swindling it is calculated he gained seven million
dollars.
The young Poles were enrolled in the armies by force; and every town and
village in Posnania was taxed at a stated number of marriageable girls, who
were sent to stock the districts of the Prussian dominions depopulated by the
long wars. Each girl's portion was to be a bed, two pigs, a cow, and three
ducats of gold. It is said that one town alone was obliged to furnish the
Prussian general, Belling, with fifty girls. Under pretence that the
magistrates of Dantzic prevented the levies, troops were marched into the
territories of the city, a contribution of one hundred thousand ducats was
exacted, and one thousand young men were pressed for the Prussian service.
Frederick's military possession of Posnania, as well as the greater part of
Polish Prussia, seemed to be but too consonant with his hinted claims, and his
arbitrary levies evinced not merely intended, but actual possession.
Austria, too, was playing a similar part on the south. In the spring of
1769 Birzynski, at the head of a small troop of confederates, entered Lubowla,
one of the towns in the starosty or district of Zips, or Spiz, with the
intention of levying contributions, as he was accustomed, in a disorderly
manner. This little district is situated to the south of the palatinate of
Cracow, among the Carpathian Mountains, and has been originally a portion of
the kingdom of Hungary. The confederates were followed by the Russians, and
took refuge in Hungary, as was their custom. This near approach of the
Russians to the imperial frontiers was made a pretext by the court of Vienna
for concentrating a body of troops there; and at the same time hints were
thrown out of Austria's claims, not only to this but some of the adjacent
districts. Researches were ordered to be made into old records, to establish
these pretensions; the Austrian troops seized the territory of Zips, and
engineers were employed by the Empress to mark out the frontier. They
advanced the boundary line along the districts of Sandecz, Nowitarg, and
Czorsztyn, and marked it out with posts furnished with the imperial eagle.
Stanislaus had complained of this proceeding in a letter of October 28, 1770;
to which the Empress returned for answer, in January, 1771, that she would
willingly make an amicable arrangement, after peace was established, to settle
the disputed frontier, but that she was determined to claim her right to the
district of Zips, and that for the present it was requisite to pursue the
operation of demarcation.
The Empress seems to have been instigated not only by the characteristic
avidity of Austrian policy, but by jealousies awakened by the near approaches
of the Russian troops. Besides, it is a point of some consequence to be
remembered - though it seems to have escaped the observation of most
historians - that she had before her eyes a fearful proof of the danger of an
uncertain frontier in the affair of Balta, which was the ostensible cause of
the war between Turkey and Russia.
This open encroachment on the Polish territory, however, was a fatal
precedent; Catharine and Frederick could advance, as excuses for their
proceedings, that they were solely intended to restore tranquillity to Poland;
and that their possession was only temporary, whereas Theresa's was a
permanent seizure. Frederick, therefore, endeavors strenuously in his
writings to exonerate his intentions from censure, and shifts the odium of
this step on Austria; but whether he is absolutely innocent of the
"injustice," as he himself calls it, or adds to his guilt by the height of
hypocrisy and cant, is a question not very difficult of solution.
The three powers could now readily understand each other's designs; but
the first communication which took place between them on the subject occurred
in December, 1770, and January, 1771. In the former month Catharine invited
Prince Henry, Frederick's brother, who had before been a personal
acquaintance, to her court; and the wily despot of Prussia urged him earnestly
to accept the invitation. He reached St. Petersburg in the midst of the
festivities and rejoicings for the victories over the Turks; and having, like
his brother, abundant flattery at will, he seized the opportunity of loading
Catharine with compliments. It would be absurd to suppose that the Empress,
masculine as her mind was, could be insensible to this species of attack; she,
like all other followers of ambition and conquest, made the applause and
admiration, even of the vulgar, the aim of her life; and it can only be
affectation in those who pretend to despise the adulation which they so
eagerly labor for. Henry was admitted to confidential conferences, and so
well did he avail himself of his opportunities and influence that he succeeded
in persuading the Empress to accept the mediation of Austria between Turkey
and Russia - a commission with which he was charged by his brother.
It was in these conferences that the fate of Poland was decided. While
Catharine was hesitating about accepting the terms Austria proposed, which
were that she should renounce her design upon Moldavia and Wallachia, the news
arrived at St. Petersburg that the Austrian troops had taken possession of
Zips. Catharine was much astonished at the proceeding, and remarked that if
Austria seized the Polish territory, the two other neighboring powers must
imitate her example until she desisted. This hint suggested to Henry a mode
of removing those objections of Austria which impeded the negotiation. He
knew that the court of Vienna was as eager for aggrandizement as Russia, and
that all her jealousies would be allayed by a similar accession of territory;
that at the same time she would never consent to have the Russians as her
neighbors in Moldavia and Wallachia, but would have no objection to their
making an equal increase to that immense empire elsewhere. Frederick's
consent, also, must be purchased by an equal allotment; where, then, he
thought, were there three such portions to be found but where Austria pointed
out? Catharine approved of the plan after a few moments' reflection, but
mentioned two impediments: first, that when her troops had entered Poland she
had solemnly declared that she would maintain the integrity of the kingdom;
the next, that Austria would not receive such a proposal from her without
suspicion. These difficulties were readily removed - the first by breaking
the engagement, and the second by making Frederick the negotiator with the
court of Vienna.
Frederick's admirers pretend that he was unacquainted with this intrigue,
and, when the plan was made known to him, opposed it strenuously; "but that on
the following day, having reflected on the misfortunes of the Poles, and on
the impossibility of reestablishing their liberty, he showed himself more
tractable." It is to be hoped that, for the sake of Frederick's remnant of
character, that is not true; after the singular manner in which he had evinced
his concern for "the misfortunes of the Poles," and his solicitude for their
"liberty" in Polish Prussia, such pretensions would have been the very height
of hypocrisy. His scruples, at any rate, if any such existed, were soon
dispelled; and he exerted himself in persuading the court of Vienna to enter
into the plot.
Austria was but too ready to fall into the design; the conflicting views,
indeed, between Maria Theresa, Joseph, and their minister Kaunitz gave rise to
some complication of politics and consequent delay. Frederick, strongly as he
is said to have disclaimed the plan in the present instance, was now the only
party impatient to conclude it. "The slowness and irresolution of the
Russians," he says in his Memoires, "protracted the conclusion of the treaty
of partition; the negotiation hung chiefly on the possession of the city of
Dantzic. The Russians pretended they had guaranteed the liberty of this
little republic, but it was in fact the English, who, jealous of the
Prussians, protected the liberty of this maritime town, and who prompted the
Empress of Russia not to consent to the demands of his Prussian majesty. It
was requisite, however, for the King to determine; and as it was evident that
the master of the Vistula and the port of Dantzic would, in time, subject that
city, he decided that it was not necessary to stop such an important
negotiation, for an advantage which in fact was only deferred; therefore his
majesty relaxed in this demand. After so many obstacles had been removed this
secret contract was signed at St. Petersburg, February 17, 1772. The month of
June was fixed on for taking possession, and it was agreed that the
Empress-Queen should be invited to join the two contracting powers and share
in the partition."
It now remained to persuade Austria to join the coalition. Joseph and
Kaunitz were soon won over, but Maria Theresa's conscience made a longer
resistance. The fear of hell, she said, restrained her from seizing another's
possessions. It was represented to her, however, that her resistance could
not prevent the other two powers from portioning out Poland, but might
occasion a war which would cost the valuable lives of many; whereas the
peaceable partition would not spill a drop of blood. She was thus, she
imagined, placed in a dilemma between two sins; and forgetting the command,
"Do not evil that good may come," she endeavored to persuade herself that she
was doing her duty in choosing the least. She yielded at length with the air
of some religious devotee who exclaims to her artful seducer, "May God forgive
you!" and at the same time sinks into his arms. The contract was signed
between Prussia and Austria on March 4th, and the definite treaty of partition
which regulated the three portions was concluded on August 5, 1772.
Russia was to have, by this first partition, the palatinates of Polotsk,
Vitebsk, and Mstislavl, as far as the rivers of Dwina and Dnieper, more than
three thousand square leagues; Austria had for her share Red Russia (Galicia),
and a portion of Podolia and Little Poland as far as the Vistula, about
twenty-five hundred square leagues; and Prussia was to be contented with
Polish Prussia (excepting Dantzic and Thorn with their territory), and part of
Great Poland as far as the river Notec (or Netze), comprising about nine
hundred square leagues. All the rest of the kingdom was to be insured to
Stanislaus under the old constitution.
All the three powers thought it necessary to publish some defence of
their conduct; and, in separate pamphlets, they attempted to prove that they
had legitimate claims on Poland, and that their present violent seizures were
only just resumptions of their own territory or equivalent to it.
Rulhiere says that Catharine only made her claim as a just
indemnification for the trouble and expense which she had devoted to Poland;
this, however, it will be found by referring to her defence, is not the case.
She sets forth the great kindness she had shown the republic by insuring the
election of a Piast (Stanislaus), and uses these remarkable words on the
subject: "That event was necessary to restore the Polish liberty to its
ancient lustre, to insure the elective right of the monarchy, and to destroy
foreign influence, which was so rooted in the state, and which was the
continual source of trouble and contest." She then exclaims against the
confederates:
"Their ambition and cupidity, veiled under the phantom of religion and
the defence of their laws, pervade and desolate this vast kingdom, without the
prospect of any termination of this madness but its entire ruin." She then
proceeds with her "Deduction," endeavoring to prove, from old authors, that it
was not till 1686 that the Polish limits were extended beyond the mouth of the
Dwina and the little town of Stoika on the Dnieper, five miles below Kiow.
The following is a specimen of the lawyer-like sophistry which the Empress
employs to establish her claim to the Russian territory, which remained in the
hands of the Poles after the treaty in 1686:
"The design of such a concession being only to put an end to a bloody war
more promptly, and by a remedy as violent as a devastation (aussi violent
qu'une devastation), to insure tranquility of neighborhood between two rival
and newly reconciled nations, it necessarily follows that every act on the
part of the subjects of the republic of Poland, contrary to such intention,
has, ipso facto, revived Russia's indisputable and unalienated right to all
that extent of territory. It must be observed, also, that this arrangement
about the frontier was only provisional and temporary, since it is expressly
said that it shall only remain so until it has been otherwise amicably
settled.
"The object was, therefore, to give the nations time to lay aside their
inveterate hatred; and to remove immediate causes of dispute between the
different subjects, and consequent rupture between the two states. Russia
sacrificed for a time the possession of the territory which extends from the
fertile town of Stoika to the river Tecmine, and from the right bank of the
Dnieper, fifty versts in breadth along the frontiers of Poland. There is no
idea of cession here on the part of Russia; it is a pledge (gage) which she
advances for the solidity of the peace, which ought to be returned to her when
the object of it is effected. This is the only reasonable construction which
can be put upon the stipulation, 'until it has been otherwise amicably
settled.' Russia is not to be a loser because the confusion of the internal
affairs of Poland has never allowed that country to come to a definite
agreement on this subject, notwithstanding the requests of Russia."
It does not demand much acumen to unveil such impudent sophistry as this.
The assertion that the arrangement was only provisional and temporary is
false; the treaty indeed left the detail of the boundary line to be drawn out
by commissioners, as must always be the case in arrangements of this kind, and
as was meant to be implied by the words which the Russian minister transforms
into "until it has been otherwise amicably arranged."
Such was the weak manner in which the Russian diplomatists imagined to
deceive Europe; their defence indeed is as triumphant a proof of the badness
of their cause as the most earnest friend of Poland could desire. Our
surprise may well be excited at the weakness of the argument, particularly
when we remember that Catharine's servants had long been trained in glossing
over the basest and most shameful transactions. "The ministers of St.
Petersburg," said a contemporary writer, "are accustomed to appear without
blushing at the tribunal of the public in defence of any cause; the death of
Peter and assassination of Prince John inured them to it."
Such a work hardly requires refutation. Every sophism and every
falsehood is a damning argument against the Russian cause. Truth, in fact, is
outraged in every page of the writing; and one striking instance will suffice.
Catharine states that the Polish Government would never make any arrangement
about the frontier; but the fact is that even as late as 1764 commissioners
were appointed at the diet of coronation for this very purpose, but the
Russians refused to nominate theirs; again in 1766, when Count Rzewinski,
Polish ambassador to St. Petersburg, made a similar application, he was
answered that the affairs of the dissidents must be first settled.
The Austrian pretensions were even more elaborately drawn up than those
of Russia. In the first place, the district of Zips, the first sacrifice to
Austrian rapacity, came under consideration. Sigismund, who came to the
Hungarian throne in 1387, mortgaged this district to Wladislas II (Jagello),
King of Poland, in 1412, for a stipulated sum of money. It is commonly called
the "Thirteen Towns of Zips," but the district contains sixteen. No
reclamation of it had been made till the present time; it had then been in the
undisputed possession of Poland nearly three hundred sixty years. The chief
demur which the Austrians now made to the mortgage was that the King of
Hungary was restricted by the constitution, as expressed in the
coronation-oath, from alienating any portion of the kingdom. But even this
plea, weak as it is under such circumstances, is not available; since it is
proved that this article was never made a part of the coronation-oath until
the accession of Ferdinand I in 1527.
The Austrian minister endeavored also to establish the right of his
mistress to Galicia and Podolia, as Queen of Hungary, and the duchies of
Oswiecim and Zator, as Queen of Bohemia. "What lastly establishes
indisputably the ancient claim of Hungary to the provinces in question is that
in several seals and documents of the ancient kings of Hungary preserved in
our archives, the titles and arms of Galicia are always used." After
exhausting the records, and stating that the crown of Hungary has never in any
way renounced its rights and pretensions, the author modestly winds up his
arguments in the following way: "Consequently, after such a long delay, the
house of Austria is well authorized in establishing and reclaiming the lawful
rights and pretensions of her crowns of Hungary and Bohemia, and to obtain
satisfaction by the means which she now employs; in the use of which she has
exhibited the greatest moderation possible, by confining herself to a very
moderate equivalent for her real pretensions to the best provinces of Poland,
such as Podolia, etc."
Frederick argues his cause on the general principles of civil law. "Since
then," he says, "the crown of Poland cannot prove express cessions, which are
the only good titles between sovereigns to confer a legitimate possession of
disputed provinces, it will perhaps have recourse to prescription and
immemorial possession. We all know the famous dispute among the learned on
the question of prescription and natural right, whether it obtains between
sovereigns and free nations. The affirmative is founded only on that very
weak argument that he who for a long time has not made use of his rights is
presumed to have abandoned them; a presumption which is at best doubtful, and
cannot destroy the right and established property of a monarch. Besides, even
this presumption altogether vanishes when the superior strength of a usurper
has prevented the lawful proprietor from claiming his rights, which has been
the case in the present instance.
"Time alone cannot render a possession just which has not been so from
its origin; and as there is no judge between free nations, no one can decide
if the time past is sufficient to establish prescription, or if the
presumption of the desertion [of rights] is sufficiently proved. But even
leaving this point undetermined, the prescription which the republic of Poland
could allege in the present case has not any of the qualities which the
advocates of prescription require, to render it valid between free states."
We do not imagine that our readers will coincide with Frederick in the
following opinion: "We flatter ourselves that when the impartial public has
weighed without prejudice all that has just been detailed in this expose, they
will not find in the step which his majesty has taken anything which is not
conformable to justice, to natural right, to the general use of nations, and,
lastly, to the example which the Poles themselves have given in seizing all
these countries by simple matter of fact. We trust also that the Polish
nation will eventually recover from its prejudices; that it will acknowledge
the enormous injustice which it has done to the house of Brandenburg, and that
it will bring itself to repair it by a just and honorable arrangement with
which his majesty will willingly comply, sincerely wishing to cultivate the
friendship and good-fellowship of this illustrious nation, and to live with
the republic in good union and harmony."
We have thus given the three monarchs liberty to plead for themselves;
and no one can rise from the perusal of their "Defences" without feeling
additional conviction of their injustice, and resentment at their hypocrisy.
We must own we are almost inclined to interpret Frederick's appeal as a
sneering parody on the cant of diplomacy in general; but, in whatever light it
be viewed, it gives additional insight into the heart and head of that
military despot and disciple of Machiavelli.
Iniquity almost invariably pays virtue the compliment of attempting to
assume her semblance; and the three wholesale plunderers - Russia, Austria,
and Prussia - therefore determined to give some show of justice to their
violent seizure, by wringing from their victims a ratification of their
claims. But "the children of this world" with all their wisdom cannot always
preserve consistency, and, cunning as the villain may sometimes be, he will,
at some time or other, make the most disgraceful mistakes.
By requiring further ratification, the three powers admitted that their
anterior claims were not well founded; and common-sense ought to have told
them that, if the former claims were not just, the latter, depending on the
same title, were rendered still less so by aggravated violence. Every show of
justice in a villanous action rises up in sterner judgment against the
perpetrator, inasmuch as it evinces design, and makes him responsible for the
motive.
These remarks might be applied to Catharine, Frederick, Maria Theresa, or
Joseph; for though they may shield themselves from personal accusation by
acting under the vague titles of "powers," "states," or "governments," the
evasion is mean and cowardly; for particularly in such despotic governments as
theirs the passions and wills of the rulers are the directors of every
political scheme.
The three powers fixed on April 19, 1773, for the opening of a diet at
Warsaw to ratify their claims. Their troops were in possession of all Poland;
the capital in particular was strongly invested; and Rewiski, Benoit, and
Stakelberg, the Austrian, Prussian, and Russian ministers, were on the spot to
overrule and direct all the debates. They declared that every deputy who
opposed their proposals should be treated as an enemy of his country and of
the three powers. Frederick himself states, in his description of this
transaction, that the deputies were informed if they continued refractory that
the whole kingdom would be dismembered; but, on the contrary, that if they
were submissive the foreign troops would evacuate by degrees the territory
they intended to leave to the republic. The Diet was to be confederated, that
the Poles might be deprived of their last resource, the liberum veto.
Some few patriots still raised their voices, even in the midst of the
united armies of Russia, Austria, and Prussia; and among these Reyten was the
most distinguished. He was a Lithuanian by descent, had acted a good part in
the confederacy of Bar, and had earned a character which made the electors of
Nowogrodek select him for their representative in the present memorable Diet.
His colleague was Samuel Korsak, a worthy coadjutor, who did not turn a deaf
ear to his father's parting words: "My son, I send you to Warsaw accompanied
by my oldest domestics; I charge them to bring me your head if you do not
oppose with all your might what is now plotting against your country."
Poninski, a creature of the allied powers, was the marshal of the Diet,
appointed by the intervention of the ambassadors; and when the session opened
one of the deputies nominated him, and he was immediately proceeding to take
the seat, without waiting for the election; but several members rose to
protest, against this breach of privilege, and Reyten exclaimed: "Gentlemen,
the marshal cannot be thus self-appointed; the whole Assembly must choose him;
I protest against the nomination of Poninski; name him who is to be your
president." Some voices instantly shouted, "Long live the true son of his
country, Marshal Reyten!" Poninski retired, adjourning the session to the next
day.
On the following morning Poninski again made his appearance, merely to
postpone the Assembly one day more. When this period arrived he went to the
hall with a guard of foreign soldiers, to station some of his faction at the
doors and to prevent the entrance of the public. Reyten, Korsak, and their
little band of patriots were soon at their posts, when Reyten, perceiving that
the people were not allowed to enter, exclaimed: "Gentlemen, follow me.
Poninski shall not be marshal of the Diet today, if I live!" It was already
twelve o'clock, and Poninski did not appear, but a messenger arrived to state
that he adjourned the meeting. "We do not acknowledge Poninski for marshal,"
replied Reyten; and seeing many of the members about to retire, he placed
himself before the door with his arms crossed, and attempted to stop the
deserters. But his exertions proving useless he threw himself along the
doorway, exclaiming, with a wearied but determined voice, "Go, go, and seal
your own eternal ruin, but first trample on the breast which will only beat
for honor and liberty."
There were now only fifteen members in the hall, and of these but six
persevered in their patriotic determination; namely, Reyten, Korsak, Durin,
Terzmanowski, Kozuchowski, and Penczkowski. At ten a message arrived from the
Russian ambassador, inviting the resolute deputies to a conference at his
house. Four of them, among whom was Korsak, accordingly went; and Stakelberg
at first addressed them mildly, but, finding them resolute, began to threaten
them with confiscation of their estates. On this Korsak rose and declared,
since they wished to seize his possessions - which were already, however,
mostly plundered by the Russian armies - there was no occasion for so many
preliminaries; and he actually put into his hands a list of all his property,
adding: "This is all I have to sacrifice to the avarice of the enemies of my
country. I know that they also can dispose of my life; but I do not know any
despot on earth rich enough to corrupt or powerful enough to intimidate me!"
Reyten remained still at his post, and the four patriots on returning
found the doors closed, and lay down without for the night. On the following
day the ministers of the three powers repaired to the King's palace, and
Stakelberg threatened him with the immediate destruction of his capital unless
he gave his sanction to the forced confederation. Stanislaus demanded the
advice of his council, but received no reply; and taking their silence for an
assent, and not knowing how to evade a direct answer, he yielded to the
ministers' demands. The corrupt Diet held their assembly without the hall,
because Reyten was still at his post - such was their dread of even one
patriotic individual.
On April 23d, when Poninski and the confederates entered, they found
Reyten stretched senseless on the floor, in which state he must have lain
thirty-six hours. Such was the determination with which he resisted the
oppression of his country, and so entirely were all the energies of his mind
devoted to the cause, that when he learned its fall he lost his reason.
The allies began to redouble their threats, and signified to the deputies
their intention of portioning out the whole of the kingdom, if any more
opposition were offered; but, notwithstanding, the Diet continued stormy, and
many bold speeches were made. Of all situations the King's must have been the
most perplexing and irksome; but no person was better adapted to act such a
part than Stanislaus. He made the most pathetic appeals to his subjects, and
frequently spoke in a strain more fit for an unfortunate but patriotic hero
than for one who had done nothing but affect a few tears - for we can hardly
doubt that they were hypocritical - over the misfortunes which he had brought
on his country. The following sentence must have sounded strangely in his
mouth: "Fecimus quod potuimus, omnia tentavimus, nihil omisimus." Again, on
May 10th, he absolutely had the audacity to defend his political conduct,
stating that he had always done his duty whenever any business depended on
him.
On May 17th the Diet agreed to Poninski's motion to appoint a commission
that, in conjunction with the three ambassadors, should regulate the limits of
the four countries, and determine upon the changes in the Polish Government.
On the 18th the commissioners were nominated by the King and Poninski.
Some small remains of liberty lingered even among the commissioners, and
called for fresh threats and violence from the allied powers. At length they
agreed to ratify the treaty of August 5th, and establish a permanent council
in whom the executive power was to be vested. This council consisted of forty
members, and was divided into four departments, which engrossed every branch
of administration. The King was the nominal president, but the real authority
was possessed by the Russian ambassador. The partition was not fully arranged
till 1774, and then Prussia and Austria began to extend their bounds beyond
the agreed limits. L'appetit vient en mangeant, and these encroachments were
a sad augury of future partitions to the Poles.
The indifference with which other states regarded this partition was
indeed surprising. France, in particular, might have been expected to protest
against it; but the imbecility and dotage of Louis XV, and the weakness of his
minister, paid too little attention to the interests of their own nation to be
likely to think of others. They made the most frivolous excuses, and even had
the meanness to attempt to shift the blame on the shoulders of their
ambassador at Vienna, pretending that he amused himself with hunting instead
of politics, and had no knowledge of the design of partition until it was
consummated. Louis contented himself with saying, with an affectation of
rage, "It would not have happened if Choiseul had been here!" Some few
patriots in England declaimed on the injustice of the proceeding; but the
spirit of the ministry, which was occupied in wrangling with the American
colonies about the imposition of taxes, was not likely to be very attentive to
the cries of oppressed liberty.
The partition is not one of those equivocal acts which seem to vibrate
between right and wrong, justice and injustice, and demand the most accurate
analysis to ascertain on which side they preponderate. Argument is thrown
away on such a subject; for to doubt about the nature of a plain decisive act
like this must necessarily proceed from something even worse than uncertainty
and scepticism concerning the simple fundamental principles of moral action. A
little reflection, however, will not be lost on so memorable a portion of
history, which opens a wider field for instruction than the "thousand
homilies" on the ambition and glory and other commonplaces of Greek and Roman
history.
Such great political crimes reveal a corresponding system of motives of a
black a hue, and even the narrowest experience teaches us that motives are
never so well traced as in their results. The corrupt principle which prompts
injustice and deceit in foreign transactions would operate equally in domestic
affairs; and the minister who uses hypocrisy and falsehood in manifestoes and
treaties would not scruple to do the same in matters of private life. An
implicit confidence in enemies like these was one of the amiable "crimes" for
which "Sarmatia fell unwept."
