Europe Transformed
Author: Jewsbury, Lewis
Date: 1992
Industrialization: The First Phase
While Europe's "great men" plotted grand schemes to pursue their
political and intellectual ambitions during the crisis of the Old Regime,
French Revolution, and Napoleonic wars, obscure British inventors designed
machines whose impact would dwarf their efforts. They industrialized textile
making by using machines and new power sources to accomplish a task formerly
done by human and animal power. They began what has been called by some the
Industrial Revolution.
The huge increase in productivity made possible by using machines can be
shown in the amount of raw cotton Britain imported in 1760 and 1850. In 1760
the British imported a bit over 1000 tons; in 1850 the number had risen to
over 222,000 tons. The story behind the growth of the textile industry is one
of a continual "catch-up" game between the spinners and weavers to respond to
a growing market. After the 1707 Act of Union with Scotland, Britain possessed
an expanding population with a larger per capita income than that of any other
European state. The population growth stemmed from a gradual decline in death
rates and an increase in the birth rate. ^14 It provided more customers and
workers.
[Footnote 14: J. D. Chambers, "Enclosures and the Labour Supply in the
Industrial Revolution," Economic History Review, 2nd series, V, 1953, pp.
318-343, as cited in David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological
Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), p. 115.]
The Revolution In Making Cloth
Practical people seeing the need for greater output solved the practical
problems of production. In the many steps from the raw cotton to the finished
cloth, there were bottlenecksprimarily in making yarn and weaving the strands
together. In 1733, John Kay (1704-1764), a spinner and mechanic, patented the
first of the great machines - the flying shuttle. This device made it possible
for one person to weave wide bolts of cloth by using a spring mechanism that
sent the shuttle across the loom. This invention upset the balance between the
weavers of cloth and the spinners of yarn: ten spinners were required to
produce enough yarn needed by one weaver. James Hargreaves (d. 1778), a weaver
and carpenter, eliminated that problem in 1764 with his spinning jenny, a
mechanical spinning wheel that allowed the spinners to keep up with the
weavers.
Five years later, a barber named Richard Arkwright (1732-1792) built the
water frame that made it possible to spin many threads into yarn at the same
time. Ten years after that Samuel Crompton (1753-1827), a spinner, combined
the spinning jenny and water frame into the water mule, which, with some
variations, is used today. By this time the makers of yarn were outpacing the
weavers, but in 1785 Edmund Cartwright (1743-1823) invented the power loom
that mechanized the weaving process. In two generations what had once been a
home-based craft became an industry.
The appetite of the new machines outran the supply of cotton. Since most
of the material came from the United States, the demand exceeded the
capability of the slave-based southern economy to fill the supply. The best
worker could not prepare more than five or six pounds of cotton a day because
of the problems of the seeds. American inventor Eli Whitney (1765-1825), among
others, devised the cotton gin, a machine that enabled a worker to clean more
than fifty times as much cotton a day. This device coincidentally played a
major role in the perpetuation of slavery in the United States.
Finally, the textile industry became so large that it outgrew the
possibilities of its power source: water power. Steam came to drive the
machines of industrializing Britain. In the first part of the eighteenth
century a mechanic, Thomas Newcomen (1663-1729), made an "atmospheric engine"
in which a piston was raised by injected steam. As the steam condensed, the
piston returned to its original position. Newcomen's unwieldy and inefficient
device was put to use pumping water out of mines. James Watt (1736-1819), a
builder of scientific instruments at the University of Glasgow, perfected
Newcomen's invention. Watt's steam engine also was first used to pump water
out of mines. It saved the large amounts of energy lost by the Newcomen engine
and led to an increase in coal productivity. After 1785 it was also used to
make cloth and drive ships and locomotives. The application of steam to
weaving made it possible to expand the use of cloth-making machines to new
areas, and after 1815 hand looms began to disappear from commercial textile
making, replaced by the undoubted superiority of the cloth-making machines.
These inventors made their contributions in response to the need to solve
a particular problem. Their machines and the new power sources expanded
productivity and transformed society in ways never before dreamed of. The
transition from a rural agrarian to an urban lifestyle merits applying the
term revolutionary to the process of industrialization. The steps in
increasing textile production were repeated and continue to be repeated in
other goods as well. The liberation from the productive limitation of human
and animal power to satisfy essentially unlimited demand is the great gift of
industrialization.
Britain's Dominance
Industrialization began in Britain in the eighteenth century for a number
of reasons. Neither the richest nor the most populous country in western
Europe, it did, nevertheless, possess at virtually all levels of society a
hard-working, inventive, risk-taking private sector that received strong
support from the government. Industrialization could not begin and grow
without individual business owners who took a chance on something new. The
British kept this close tie between private initiative and creative
governmental support throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Thanks to early governmental support of road improvements and canal
construction, Britain had a better transportation network than any other
country in Europe. The British also had mastery of the seas, excellent ports,
and a large merchant fleet. They enjoyed the advantage of living safely on
their island, away from the carnage of war, even during the Napoleonic wars.
The chance to industrialize in stable conditions gave them the opportunity to
profit from war contracts between 1792 and 1815. They developed their
industrial capacity without fear of battle damage or loss of life.
Probably the most important factor was the relative flexibility of the
British social and political systems. Members of the elite, unlike their
colleagues on the continent, pursued their wealth in the new industrial
framework with great energy. They worked closely with the middle classes and
workers, even to the point during the nineteenth century of sponsoring gradual
reform efforts to stifle any chance of revolution from below.
The combination of inventiveness, growing markets, governmental support,
and social flexibility made Britain the world's dominant economic power until
the end of the nineteenth century. Napoleon's interference had hurt economic
growth, but had also spurred the British to look for new manufacturing methods
and markets. Once the wars were over, Britain flooded the continent and the
Americas with high-quality, inexpensive goods. No nation could compete against
British efficiency. When Britain began industrializing before 1789, there were
isolated areas on the continent such as the French Le Creusot works that could
have served as the base for a similar growth. Twenty-six years of revolution
and mercantile policies made that competition impossible. ^15
[Footnote 15: E. J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789-1848 (New York: New
American Library, 1964), pp. 44-73.]
Cotton production continued to increase and was supplemented by the
arrival of the modern Iron Age. In 1800 Russia and Sweden had exported iron to
Britain. By 1815 Britain exported more than five times as much iron as it
imported. By 1848 the British produced more iron than the rest of the world
combined. As in textile production, in ironmaking a number of inventions
appeared to respond to problems. Refining of the brittle cast iron was
improved to make it more malleable and tougher. At the same time more
efficient mining processes for both coal and iron ore were used to ensure a
constant supply of raw materials.
To further dominate the metals market, in the 1850s Henry Bessemer
(1813-1898) developed a process to make steel, a harder and more malleable
metal, quickly and cheaply. So effective was the process that between 1856 and
1870 the price of British steel fell to one half the amount formerly charged
for the best grade of iron. The drastic reduction in price, a mark of
industrialization, had a positive impact on all areas of the economy.
In the period after midcentury Britain produced more than two-thirds of
the world's coal and more than half of the world's iron and cloth. Industrial
development encouraged urbanization and by 1850 more than half of the
population lived in cities and worked in industries. The British continued to
enjoy the highest per capita income in the world, and the island nation stood
head and shoulders above the world in terms of economic and material strength.
Industrialization: The Second Phase
The second phase of industrialization brought new products and power
sources to the continent. Increased food production and improved health
standards and diet led to a population explosion that promised both economic
gains and bureaucratic burdens. The rapid and massive growth of cities brought
with it the social problems of urbanization. Workers united to fight for their
interests, while the middle classes extended their wealth and influence. Both
groups changed the nature of social and political life.
Food And Population Increases
Liberated from many of the restraints of the past by the French,
Napoleonic, and Industrial revolutions, most Europeans made the transition
from a society based on agriculture to a modern urban society. The spectacular
growth of the industrial sector makes it easy to overlook the great strides in
food production during the nineteenth century. Because of the improved global
transportation network and better farming methods, the expanding number of
city dwellers had more and better food to eat in 1914 than they had had in
1815.
It is estimated that in 1815 around 60 percent of the money and 85
percent of the Europeans were tied to farming. These large quantities of
capital and labor were not effectively used, because the advances made in
Holland and Britain in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had not spread
to the continent. However, progressive landowners gradually introduced these
improved methods when they saw the money to be made feeding the growing
population of the cities.
By the end of the nineteenth century farmers on the continent were
plowing new lands and using higher yielding crop varieties to survive in the
worldwide agricultural competition. Industrial nations such as Britain, in
which only 10 percent of the population was engaged in farming, imported more
than a fourth of their food. Farmers in the Americas, Australia, and New
Zealand competed with each other in the cutthroat export market. The peasants
of Ireland and southern and eastern Europe were unable to produce efficiently
enough to prosper in this new setting. Russia, where the peasantry comprised
70 percent of the population, had to export to bring in foreign capital to
finance industrialization. When the country had to compete with efficient
foreign farmers, the tsarist minister of finance stated, "we may go hungry,
but we will export." ^16
[Footnote 16: I. Vyshnegradsky, quoted in William L. Blackwell, The
Industrialization of Russia: An Historical Perspective (New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell, 1970), p. 24.]
The expanded food supply supported the growth in European population from
175 million to 435 million. ^17 This 130 percent increase between 1800 and
1910 partially disproved the views the British clergyman Thomas Robert Malthus
(1766-1834) set forth in his Essay on Population. Malthus asserted that human
reproduction could easily outrun the earth's ability to produce food. ^18 In
his own day he could point to the limited food supply and rapidly increasing
population. From this evidence he concluded that the inevitable fate of
humanity was misery and ruin, since the number of people would rise
geometrically while food supply would grow only arithmetically. The experience
of the next two centuries has at least temporarily disproved Malthus' thesis.
[Footnote 17: Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life: 1400-1800 (New
York: Harper & Row, 1975), p. 11; William Langer, "Checks on Population
Growth: 1750-1850," Scientific American 226 (1972), pp. 92-99.]
[Footnote 18: Thomas Malthus, "An Essay on Population," in Introduction to
Contemporary Civilization in the West, vol. II (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1955), p. 196.]
A gradual decline in mortality rates, slightly better medical care, more
food, earlier marriages, and better sanitary conditions contributed to the
population increase. The number of people grew so rapidly in Europe that
although 40 million Europeans emigrated throughout the world, the continent
still showed a population increase in one century that was greater than that
of the previous two thousand years. Where the economies were advanced, such as
in northern and western Europe, the population growth could be absorbed. But
in the poorer countries of southern and eastern Europe, the masses faced the
choices of overcrowding and starvation or emigration.
The Ties That Bind: New Networks
To bring the increased food supply to the growing population, to
distribute new resources to larger markets, and to connect augmented capital
with essential information, Europeans built the most complete and far-reaching
transportation and communication networks ever known. Without rapid and
dependable transport and contact the Industrial Revolution could not have
occurred, cities would not have grown, factories could not have functioned,
and the new millions of Europeans would not have been fed. The new networks
became the arteries and nervous system of Europe.
The Duke of Bridgewater made a major step forward in water transportation
in 1759 when he built a seven and one-half mile long canal from his mines to
Manchester. Water transport cut the price of his coal in half and gave Britain
a vivid lesson in the benefits of canals. Nearly four thousand miles of
improved rivers and canals were built, with strong governmental support by the
1830s, making it possible to ship most of the country's products by water.
Following the British example, canal building spread through Europe and North
America and then to Egypt with the Suez Canal in 1869 and Latin America with
the Panama Canal in 1914. The first project cut the sailing time between
London and Bombay India by nearly half, while the second did away with the
need to sail around South America to reach the Pacific Ocean.
Until 1815 most roads were muddy, rutted paths that were impassable
during spring thaws and autumn rains. In that year a Scotsman, John McAdam,
created the all-weather road by placing small stones in compact layers
directly on the road bed. The pressure of the traffic moving over the highway
packed the stones together to give a fairly smooth surface. This practical
solution cut the stagecoach time for the 160 miles from London to Sheffield
from four days in the 1750s to 28 hours.
Steam-powered vessels replaced the graceful though less dependable
sailing ships in ocean commerce. Clipper ships are among the most beautiful
objects ever built, but they could not move without wind. Sturdy,
awkward-looking steamships carried larger cargo with greater regularity and
revolutionized world trade. The price of American wheat on the European market
dropped by three-fourths in the last part of the century, thanks to a
considerable degree to the savings made possible by the large, reliable steam
ships. Transatlantic passenger and mail services were also improved by the use
of steam to power seagoing vessels.
The most important element in the European arterial network was the
railroad. Between 1830 and 1860 rails linked every major market in Europe, and
the United States. By 1903 the Russians had pushed the Trans-Siberian railroad
to the Pacific Ocean. Railroads cheaply and efficiently carried large amounts
of material and people long distances and knit countries and continents closer
together. Within cities, urban rail lines and trolleys were widespread by the
end of the century; these had an impressive effect on housing and business
patterns by permitting a wider diffusion of workers. London established
subways first in the 1860s, followed by Budapest in 1896 and Paris in 1900.
[See English Royal Train: This English Royal train was built in the early
1840s for the special use of Queen Victoria in her travels over the nation's
rapidly expanding railway system. courtesy L'Illustration, December 9, 1843]
Connected with the growth of the transportation networks and
technological innovation, major improvements came in the area of
communications. Postal agreements among the various countries made cheap and
dependable mail service possible. The modern postage stamp and improved
transportation brought astronomical increases in the amount of letters and
packages mailed after 1850. ^19 Starting in the 1840s the electric telegraph,
undersea cable, telephone, wireless telegraph, and typewriter expanded
humanity's ability to exchange ideas and information. No longer would distance
be a critical obstacle after the transportation and communications
revolutions. The world became a smaller, if not more unified, place.
[Footnote 19: Eugen Weber, A Modern History of Europe (New York: W. W. Norton,
1971), p. 988.]
The Continent Industrializes
The continent faced many hurdles to economic growth after 1815. Obstacles
to mobility, communication, and cooperation among the classes prevented the
social structures there from adapting as easily to change as had the British.
The farther south and east the social system, the more repressive was the
structure. In many parts of the continent, the restored nobilities reclaimed
their power, and they were neither intellectually nor financially prepared to
support industrial development. Fragmented political boundaries, geographical
obstacles, and toll-takers along primary river and road systems hampered
growth, especially in central Europe. In eastern Europe, the middle classes
were weaker and more isolated than in the west.
At the end of the Napoleonic wars, the initial stages of
industrialization could be found in Belgium, France, and Germany. In Sweden,
Russia, and Switzerland there were pockets of potential mechanized production,
but the total of all of these activities was tiny compared to Britain's
economy. In 1850 only Belgium could compete with British products in its own
markets. There a combination of favorable governmental policies, good
transportation, and stability brought some success.
Governments and businesses sent officials and representatives to Britain
to try to discover the secrets of industrialization. The British tried to
protect their advantage by banning the export of machines and processes and
limiting foreign access to their factories. Industrial espionage existed then
as now, and continental competitors did uncover some secrets. Britain's
success could be studied, components of it stolen, and its experts hired, but
no country on the continent could combine all the factors that permitted
Britain to dominate.
After midcentury, a long period of peace, improved transportation, and
strategic government assistance encouraged rapid economic growth in France and
the German states. Population increased 25 percent in France and nearly 40
percent in the Germanies, providing a larger market and labor supply. Two
generations of borrowed British technology began to be applied and improved
upon; but the two most important developments came in banking and customs and
toll reforms.
After 1815, aggressive new banking houses appeared across Europe,
strengthened by the profits they had made extending loans to governments
during the Napoleonic wars. They saw the money to be made investing in new
industries such as railroads and worked with both governments and major
capitalists. Firms such as Hope and Baring in London, the Rothschilds in
Frankfurt, Paris, Vienna, and London, and numerous Swiss bankers were
representative of the private financiers who had well-placed sources and
contacts throughout the state and business communities. ^20
[Footnote 20: Sidney Pollard, European Economic Integration: 1815-1970 (New
York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974), pp. 56-62.]
Banking changed radically during this period to satisfy the growing
demands for money. Long-range capital needs were met by the formation of
investment banks, while new institutions were created to fill the need for
short-term credit. The ultimate source of financial liquidity was the middle
classes - the thousand of little people who put their money in banks to make
their own profits on interest earned. More money could be gained from the many
small investors than from the few rich families who used to dominate banking.
The Germans led the way in the other major development, the Zollverein
(customs union), that began under Prussian leadership in 1819. This
arrangement helped break down the trade barriers erected by state boundaries
and in the next twenty-three years came to include most of central and
northern Germany. Instead of the more than 300 divisions fragmenting the
Germans in 1800, there was a virtual free trade market, something Britain had
enjoyed since the union of Scotland and England in 1707 - and which the
European Economic Community will create after 1992. The significance of the
Zollverein was that it allowed goods to circulate free of tolls and tariffs,
thus reducing prices and stimulating trade.
In the second half of the century, industrialization grew rapidly, aided
by the increased flow of credit and elimination of many internal barriers.
Tariff walls throughout the area fell to a degree not matched until after
World War II. Major firms such as the German Krupp works and the French silk
industries controlled portions of the European market and competed effectively
with Britain throughout the world.
Technological Growth And Advances
Another reason for the continent's economic emergence was a wide range of
new technologies using new materials, processes, and transportation. New
competitors began with state-of-the-art factories that allowed them to
outproduce Britain, whose older factories were less productive.
The basic change in the second phase of industrialization was the use of
electricity in all aspects of life. Scientists had discovered electricity's
basic principles a century earlier, but it was difficult to generate and
transmit power across long distances. When the first dependable dynamo, a
device that changed energy from mechanical into electrical form, was perfected
in 1876, it became possible to generate electricity almost anywhere. Inventors
such as the American Thomas A. Edison began to use the new resource in
industry, transportation, entertainment, and the home. Humanity had finally
found a source of power that could be easily transported and used. The British
took the lead in bringing electricity to home use. The Germans made the most
advanced application of electric technology to industry.
[Hear P. T. Barnum]
Edison's early recording of PT Barnum
Another fundamental change came in the use of gas and oil in the newly
devised internal combustion engine. Steam power's use was limited by its
appetite for huge amounts of fuel and its sheer bulk. Gottleib Daimler
perfected the internal combustion engine used in most automobiles today. In
1892 Rudolf Diesel invented the engine that bears his name. It burned fuel
instead of harnessing the explosions that drove the Daimler engine.
These new developments led directly to the search for and use of
petroleum and the beginning of the passenger car industry. By 1914 the making
of cars was a key part of the Italian, Russian, German, French, and American
economies. Automobile manufacturing called for a number of "spinoff"
industries such as tires, ball bearings, windshields - the list extends to
hundreds of items. Leaving aside the passenger car's economic contribution,
the world's cities and people felt the complex impact of this new form of
transportation, with consequences extending from the range of an individual's
world to the increased noise level and pollution that changed the character of
urban areas.
Other new machines changed life. Bicycles became commonplace in the
1890s, as did sewing machines, cameras, and typewriters, to name a few. Never
had people had the ability to transform ideas almost instantly into products
accessible to the average person. This was another dividend of
industrialization and a symbol of a rapidly changing Europe.
The Human Costs Of Industrialization
Industrialization drove society from an agricultural to an urban way of
life. The old system in which peasants worked the fields during the summer and
did their cottage industry work in the winter to their own standards and at
their own pace, slowly disappeared. In its place came urban life tied to the
factory system. The factory was a place where people did repetitive tasks
using machines over long hours to process large amounts of raw materials. This
was an efficient way to make a lot of high-quality goods at cheap cost. But
the factories were often dangerous places and the lifestyle connected to them
had a terrible effect on the human condition.
In the factory system the workers worked and the owners made profits. The
owners wanted to make the most they could from their investment and to get the
most work they could from their employees. The workers, in turn, felt that
they deserved more of the profits because their labor made production
possible. This was a situation guaranteed to produce conflict, especially
given the wretched conditions the workers faced in the first stages of
industrialization.
The early factories were miserable places, featuring bad lighting, lack
of ventilation, dangerous machines, and frequent breakdowns. Safety standards
were practically nonexistent and workers in various industries could expect to
contract serious diseases - workers with lead paint suffered lung problems,
pewter workers fell ill to palsy, miners suffered black lung disease, and
primitive machines claimed many fingers, hands, and even lives. Not until late
in the century did health and disability insurance come into effect. In some
factories workers who suffered accidents were deemed to be at fault, and since
there was little job security, a worker could be fired for virtually any
reason.
The demand for plentiful and cheap labor led to the widespread employment
of women and children. Girls as young as six years old were used to haul carts
of coal in Lancashire mines, and boys and girls of four and five years of age
worked in textile mills - their nimble little fingers could easily untangle
jammed machines. When they were not laboring, the working families lived in
horrid conditions in such wretched industrial cities as Lille, France, and
Manchester, England. There were no sanitary, water, or medical services for
the workers and working families were crammed twelve and fifteen to a room in
damp, dark cellars. Bad diet, alcoholism, cholera, and typhus led to a
reduction of life span in the industrial cities. Simultaneous with, and
perhaps part of, the industrialization process was the vast increase in
illegitimate births. Up to midcentury, corresponding to the time of maximum
upheaval, continent-wide figures indicate that at least one-third of all
births were out of wedlock. ^21
[Footnote 21: Edward Shorter, "Illegitimacy, Sexual Revolution, and Social
Change in Modern Europe," in Theodore K. Rabb and Robert I. Rotber, eds., The
Family in History (New York: Harper & Row, 1973), pp. 48-84.]
Later generations profited from the sacrifices made by the first workers
in the industrialization, and factory owners came to understand that they
could make more profit from an efficient factory staffed by contented workers.
Urban Crises
Huge population increases and industrialization prompted a massive growth
of European cities in the nineteenth century, as can be seen in the following
table. ^22
CITY 1800 1910
London 831,000 4,521,000
Paris 547,000 2,888,000
Berlin 73,000 2,071,000
Vienna 247,000 2,030,000
St. Petersburg 220,000 1,907,000
[Footnote 22: Heinz Gollwitzer, Europe in the Age of Imperialism: 1880-1914
(New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1969), p. 20.]
In addition, new towns sprang up throughout the continent and soon reached the
level of over 100,000 inhabitants. Even in agrarian Russia, where 70 percent
of the population worked on the land, there were seventeen cities of more than
100,000 by the end of the century.
Political leaders faced serious problems dealing with mushrooming city
growth. The factory system initially forced families to live and work in
squalor, danger, and disease, a condition to be found today in countries
undergoing the first stages of industrialization. City leaders had to maintain
a clean environment, provide social and sanitation services, enforce the law,
furnish transportation, and - most serious of all - build housing. They
uniformly failed to meet the radical challenges of growth.
Until midcentury human waste disposal in some parts of Paris was taken
care of by dumping excrement in the gutters or the Seine or through
street-corner manure collections. Not until Haussman's urban renewal in the
1850s and 1860s did the city get an adequate garbage, water, and sewage
system. Police protection remained inadequate or corrupt. Other cities shared
Paris' problems to a greater or lesser degree. The new industrial towns were
in even worse condition than the older centers.
[See London Slum: This illustration, Over London - By Rail, vividly depicts
the problems that accompanied urbanization - cramped living spaces, crime, and
air and water pollution. courtesy From Gustav Dore and Blanchard Jerrold,"
London: A Pilgrimage" Grant and Co. London, 1872.]
The terrible life in the industrial towns touched observers like novelist
Charles Dickens, who in his book Hard Times described a typical British
factory town:
It was a town of red brick, or of brick that would have
been red if the smoke and ashes had allowed it; but as
matters stood, it was a town of unnatural red and black,
like the painted face of a savage. It was a town of machinery
and tall chimneys, out of which interminable serpents of
smoke trailed themselves for ever and ever, and never got
uncoiled. It had a black canal in it, and a river that ran
purple with ill-smelling dye, and vast piles of building
full of windows where there was a rattling and trembling
all day long, and where the piston of the steam engine
worked monotonously up and down, like the head of an elephant
in a state of melancholy madness. It contained several large
streets all very like one another, and many small streets
still more like one another, inhabited by people equally
like one another, who all went in and out at the same hours,
with the same sound upon the same pavement, to do the same
work, and to whom every day was the same as yesterday and
tomorrow, and every year the counterpart of the last and
the next. ^23
[Footnote 23: Charles Dickens, Hard Times (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons,
n.d.), p. 26.]
By the end of the century, however, governments began to deal effectively
with urban problems. By 1914, most major European cities began to make clean
running water, central heat, adequate street lighting, mass public education,
dependable sewage systems, and minimal medical care available for their
people.