Description Of Elizabethan England
Author: Harrison, William
Date: 1577
Chapter I
Of Degrees Of People In The Commonwealth Of Elizabethan England
[1577, Book III., Chapter 4; 1587, Book II., Chapter 5.] ^1
[Footnote 1: These references are to the first two editions of Holinshed's
Chronicles. The modernization of the spelling, etc., follows that of Mr. L.
Withington, whose notes are signed W.]
We in England, divide our people commonly into four sorts, as gentlemen,
citizens or burgesses, yeomen, and artificers or labourers. Of gentlemen the
first and chief (next the king) be the prince, dukes, marquesses, earls,
viscounts, and barons; and these are called gentlemen of the greater sort, or
(as our common usage of speech is) lords and noblemen: and next unto them be
knights, esquires, and, last of all, they that are simply called gentlemen. So
that in effect our gentlemen are divided into their conditions, whereof in
this chapter I will make particular rehearsal.
The title of prince doth peculiarly belong with us to the king's eldest
son, who is called Prince of Wales, and is the heir-apparent to the crown; as
in France the king's eldest son hath the title of Dauphin, and is named
peculiarly Monsieur. So that the prince is so termed of the Latin word
Princeps, since he is (as I may call him) the chief or principal next the
king. The king's younger sons be but gentlemen by birth (till they have
received creation or donation from their father of higher estate, as to be
either viscounts, earls, or dukes) and called after their names, as Lord
Henry, or Lord Edward, with the addition of the word Grace, properly assigned
to the king and prince, and now also by custom conveyed to dukes, archbishops,
and (as some say) to marquesses and their wives. ^2 . . .
[Footnote 2: Here follow etymologies of the terms "Duke", Marquess," and
"Baron." - W.]
Unto this place I also refer our bishops, who are accounted honourable,
called lords, and hold the same room in the Parliament house with the barons,
albeit for honour sake the right hand of the prince is given unto them, and
whose countenances in time past were much more glorious than at this present
it is, because those lusty prelates sought after earthly estimation and
authority with far more diligence than after the lost sheep of Christ, of
which they had small regard, as men being otherwise occupied and void of
leisure to attend upon the same. Howbeit in these days their estate remaineth
no less reverend than before, and the more virtuous they are that be of this
calling the better are they esteemed with high and low. They retain also the
ancient name ("lord") still, although it be not a little impugned by such as
love either to hear of change of all things or can abide no superiors. For
notwithstanding it be true that in respect of function the office of the
eldership ^3 is equally distributed between the bishop and the minister, yet
for civil government's sake the first have more authority given unto them by
kings and princes, to the end that the rest may thereby be with more ease
retained within a limited compass of uniformity than otherwise they would be
if each one were suffered to walk in his own course. This also is more to be
marvelled at, that very many call for an alteration of their estate, crying to
have the word "lord" abolished, their civil authority taken from them, and the
present condition of the church in other things reformed; whereas, to say
truly, few of them do agree upon form of discipline and government of the
church succeedent, wherein they resemble the Capuans (of whom Livy doth speak)
in the slaughter of their senate. Neither is it possible to frame a whole
monarchy after the pattern of one town or city, or to stir up such an
exquisite face of the church as we imagine or desire, sith our corruption is
such that it will never yield to so great perfection; for that which is not
able to be performed in a private house will be much less be brought to pass
in a commonwealth and kingdom, before such a prince be found as Xenophon
describeth, or such an orator as Tully hath devised. ^4 . . .
[Footnote 3: I Sam. ii. 15; I Kings i. 7. - H.]
[Footnote 4: Here follows a long paragraph on the character of the clergy
which is more appropriate to the chapter on "The Church." - W.]
Dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons either be created of the
prince or come to that honour by being the eldest sons or highest in
succession to their parents. For the eldest ton of a duke during his father's
life is an earl, the eldest son of an earl is a baron, or sometimes a
viscount, according as the creation is. The creation I call the original
donation and condition of the honour given by the prince for good service done
by the first ancestor, with some advancement, which, with the title of that
honour, is always given to him and his heirs males only. The rest of the sons
of the nobility by the rigour of the law be but esquires; yet in common speech
all dukes' and marquesses' sons and earls' eldest sons be called lords, the
which name commonly doth agree to none of lower degree than barons, yet by law
and use these be not esteemed barons.
The barony or degree of lords doth answer to the degree of senators of
Rome (as I said) and the title of nobility (as we used to call it in England)
to the Roman Patricii. Also in England no man is commonly created baron except
he may dispend of yearly revenses a thousand pounds, or so much as may fully
maintain and bear out his countenance and port. But viscounts, earls,
marquesses, and dukes exceed them according to the proportion of their degree
and honour. But though by chance he or his son have less, yet he keepeth this
degree: but if the decay be excessive, and not able to maintain the honour (as
Senatores Romani were amoti a senatu), so sometimes they are not admitted to
the upper house in the parliament, although they keep the name of "lord"
still, which cannot be taken from them upon any such occasion.
The most of these names have descended from the French invention, in
whose histories we shall read of them eight hundred years past. ^5 . . .
[Footnote 5: Here follows a learned disquisition upon "Valvasors." - W.]
Knights be not born, neither is any man a knight by succession, no, not
the king or prince: but they are made either before the battle, to encourage
them the more to adventure and try their manhood; or after the battle ended,
as an advancement for their courage and prowess already shewed, and then are
they called Milites; or out of the wars for some great service done, or for
the singular virtues which do appear in them, and then are they named Equites
Aurati, as common custom intendeth. They are made either by the king himself,
or by his commission and royal authority given for the same purpose, or by his
lieutenant in the wars. ^6 . . .
[Footnote 6: Here follows a discourse upon Equites Aurati. - W.]
Sometime diverse ancient gentlemen, burgesses, and lawyers are called
unto knighthood by the prince, and nevertheless refuse to take that state upon
them, for which they are of custom punished by a fine, that redoundeth unto
his coffers, and (to say truth) is oftentimes more profitable unto him than
otherwise their service should be, if they did yield unto knighthood. And this
also is a cause wherefore there be many in England able to dispend a knight's
living, which never come unto that countenance, and by their own consents. The
number of the knights in Rome was also uncertain: and so is it of knights
likewise, with us, as at the pleasure of the prince. And whereas the Equites
Romani had Equum Publicum of custom bestowed upon them, the knights of England
have not so, but bear their own charges in that also, as in other kind of
furniture, as armour meet for their defence and service. This nevertheless is
certain, that whoso may dispend forty pounds by the year of free land, either
at the coronation of the king, or marriage of his daughter, or time of his
dubbing, may be informed unto the taking of that degree, or otherwise pay the
revenues of his land for one year, which is only forty pounds by an old
proportion, and so for a time be acquitted of that title. ^7 . . .
[Footnote 7: Here is a description of dubbing a knight. - W.]
At the coronation of a king or queen, there be other knights made with
longer and more curious ceremonies, called "knights of the bath." But
howsoever one be dubbed or made knight, his wife is by-and-by called "Madam,"
or "Lady," so well as the baron's wife: he himself having added to his name in
common appellation this syllable "Sir," which is the title whereby we call our
knights in England. His wife also of courtesy so long as she liveth is called
"my lady," although she happen to marry with a gentleman or man of mean
calling, albeit that by the common law she hath no such prerogative. If her
first husband also be of better birth than her second, though this latter
likewise be a knight, yet in that she pretendeth a privilege to lose no honour
through courtesy yielded to her sex, she will be named after the most
honourable or worshipful of both, which is not seen elsewhere.
The other order of knighthood in England, and the most honourable, is
that of the garter, instituted by King Edward the Third, who, after he had
gained many notable victories, taken King John of France, and King James of
Scotland (and kept them both prisoners in the Tower of London at one time),
expelled King Henry of Castille, the bastard, out of his realm, and restored
Don Pedro unto it (by the help of the Prince of Wales and Duke of Aquitaine,
his eldest son, called the Black Prince), he then invented this society of
honour, and made a choice out of his own realm and dominions, and throughout
all Christendom of the best, most excellent, and renowned persons in all
virtues and honour, and adorned them with that title to be knights of his
order, giving them a garter garnished with gold and precious stones, to wear
daily on the left leg only; also a kirtle, gown, cloak, chaperon, collar, and
other solemn and magnificent apparel, both of stuff and fashion exquisite and
heroical to wear at high feasts, and as to so high and princely an order
appertaineth. . . .
[See Tower Of London: Both King John and King James were prisoners in the
Tower of London at one time.]
The order of the garter therefore was devised in the time of King Edward
the Third, and (as some write) upon this occasion. The queen's majesty then
living, being departed from his presence the next way toward her lodging, he
following soon after happened to find her garter, which slacked by chance and
so fell from her leg, unespied in the throng by such as attended upon her. His
grooms and gentlemen also passed by it, as disdaining to stoop and take up
such a trifle: but he, knowing the owner, commanded one of them to stay and
reach it up to him. "Why, and like your grace," saith a gentleman, "it is but
some woman's garter that hath fallen from her as she followed the queen's
majesty." "Whatsoever it be," quoth the king, "take it up and give it me." So
when he had received the garter, he said to such as stood about him: "You, my
masters, do make small account of this bule garter here," and therewith held
it out, "but, if God lend me life for a few months, I will make the proudest
of you all to reverence the like." And even upon this slender occasion he gave
himself to the devising of this order. Certes, I have not read of anything
that having had so simple a beginning hath grown in the end to so great honour
and estimation. ^8 . . .
[Footnote 8: Long details are given of Garter history, very inaccurate, both
here and in the last omitted passage. - W.]
There is yet another order of knights in England called knights
bannerets, who are made in the field with the ceremony of cutting away the
point of his pennant of arms, and making it as it were a banner, so that,
being before but a bachelor knight, he is now of an higher degree, and allowed
to display his arms in a banner, as barons do. Howbeit these knights are never
made but in the wars, the king's standard being unfolded. ^9 . . .
[Footnote 9: Derivations of "Esquire" and "Gentleman" are given. - W.]
Moreover, as the king doth dub knights, and createth the barons and
higher degrees, so gentlemen whose ancestors are not known to come in with
William Duke of Normandy (for of the Saxon races yet remaining we now make
none accounted, much less of the British issue) do take their beginning in
England, after this manner in our times.
Whosoever studieth the laws of the realm, whoso abideth in the university
(giving his mind to his book), or professeth physic and the liberal sciences,
or beside his service in the room of a captain in the wars, or good counsel
given at home, whereby his commonwealth is benefited, can live without manual
labour, and thereto is able and will bear the port, charge, and countenance of
a gentleman, he shall for money have a coat and arms bestowed upon him by
heralds (who in the charter of the same do of custom pretend antiquity and
service, and many gay things thereunto, being made so good cheap, be called
master (which is the title that men give to esquires and gentlemen), and
reputed for a gentleman ever after, which is so much less to be disallowed of
for that the prince doth lose nothing by it, the gentleman being so much
subject to taxes and public payments as is the yeoman or husbandman, which he
likewise doth bear the gladlier for the saving of his reputation. Being called
also to the wars (for with the government of the commonwealth he meddleth
little), whatsoever it cost him, he will both array and arm himself
accordingly, and shew the more manly courage, and all the tokens of the person
which he representeth. No man hath hurt by it but himself, who peradventure
will go in wider buskins than his legs will bear, or, as our proverb saith,
"now and then bear a bigger sail than his boat is able to sustain."
Certes the making of new gentlemen bred great strife sometimes amongst
the Romans, I mean when those which were Novi homines were more allowed of for
their virtues newly seen and shewed than the old smell of ancient race, lately
defaced by the cowardice and evil life of their nephews and descendants, could
make the other to be. But as envy hath no affinity with justice and equity, so
it forceth not what language the malicious do give out, against such as are
exalted for their wisdoms. This nevertheless is generally to be reprehended in
all estates of gentility, and which in short time will turn to the great ruin
of our country, and that is, the usual sending of noblemen's and mean
gentlemen's sons into Italy, from whence they bring home nothing but mere
atheism, infidelity, vicious conversation, and ambitious and proud behaviour,
whereby it cometh to pass that they return far worse men than they went out. A
gentleman at this present is newly come out of Italy, who went thither an
earnest Protestant; but coming home he could say after this manner: "Faith and
truth is to be kept where no loss or hindrance of a future purpose is
sustained by holding of the same; and forgiveness only to be shewed when full
revenge is made." Another no less forward than he, at his return from thence,
could add thus much: "He is a fool that maketh account of any religion, but
more fool that will lose any part of his wealth or will come in trouble for
constant leaning to any; but if he yield to lose his life for his possession,
he is stark mad, and worthy to be taken for most fool of all the rest." This
gay booty got these gentlemen by going into Italy; and hereby a man may see
what fruit is afterward to be looked for where such blossoms do appear. "I
care not," saith a third, "what you talk to me of God, so as I may have the
prince and the laws of the realm on my side." Such men as this last are easily
known; for they have learned in Italy to go up and down also in England with
pages at their heels finely apparelled, whose face and countenance shall be
such as sheweth the master not to be blind in his choice. But lest I should
offend too much, I pass over to say any more of these Italianates and their
demeanour, which, alas! is too open and manifest to the world, and yet not
called into question.
Citizens and burgesses have next place to gentlemen, who be those that
are free within the cities, and are of some likely substance to bear office in
the same. But these citizens or burgesses are to serve the commonwealth in
their cities and boroughs, or in corporate towns where they dwell, and in the
common assembly of the realm wherein our laws are made (for in the counties
they bear but little sway), which assembly is called the High Court of
Parliament: the ancient cities appoint four and the borough two burgesses to
have voices in it, and give their consent or dissent unto such things as pass,
to stay there in the name of the city or borough for which they are appointed.
In this place also are our merchants to be installed as amongst the
citizens (although they often change estate with gentlemen, as gentlemen do
with them, by a mutual conversion of the one into the other), whose number is
so increased in these our days that their only maintenance is the cause of the
exceeding prices of foreign wares, which otherwise, when every nation was
permitted to bring in her own commodities, were far better, cheaper, and more
plentifully to be had. Of the want of our commodities here at home, by their
great transportation of them into other countries, I speak not, sith the
matter will easily betray itself. Certes among the Lacedaemonians it was found
out that great numbers of merchants were nothing to the furtherance of the
state of the commonwealth: wherefore it is to be wished that the huge heap of
them were somewhat restrained, as also of our lawyers, so should the rest live
more easily upon their own, and few honest chapmen be brought to decay by
breaking of the bankrupt. I do not deny but that the navy of the land is in
part maintained by their traffic, and so are the high prices of wares kept up,
now they have gotten the only sale of things upon pretence of better
furtherance of the commonwealth into their own hands: whereas in times past,
when the strange bottoms were suffered to come in, we had sugar for fourpence
the pound, that now at the writing of this Treatise is well worth
half-a-crown; raisins or currants for a penny that now are holden at sixpence,
and sometimes at eightpence and tenpence the pound; nutmegs at twopence
halfpenny the ounce, ginger at a penny an ounce, prunes at halfpenny farthing,
great raisins three pounds for a penny, cinnamon at fourpence the ounce,
cloves at twopence, and pepper at twelve and sixteen pence the pound. Whereby
we may see the sequel of things not always, but very seldom, to be such as is
pretended in the beginning. The wares that they carry out of the realm are for
the most part broad clothes and carsies ^10 of all colours, likewise cottons,
friezes, rugs, tin, wool, our best beer, baize, bustian, mockadoes (tufted and
plain), rash, lead, fells, etc.: which, being shipped at sundry ports of our
coasts, are borne from thence into all quarters of the world, and there either
exchanged for other wares or ready money, to the great gain and commodity of
our merchants. And whereas in times past their chief trade was into Spain,
Portugal, France, Flanders, Danske [Denmark], Norway, Scotland, and Ireland
only, now in these days, as men not contented with these journeys, they have
sought out the East and West Indies, and made now and then suspicious voyages,
not only unto the Canaries and New Spain, but likewise into Cathay, Muscovy,
and Tartaria, and the regions thereabout, from whence (as they say) they bring
home great commodities. But alas! I see not by all their travel that the
prices of things are any whit abated. Certes this enormity (for so I do
account of it) was sufficiently provided for (Ann. 9 Edward III.) by a noble
statute made in that behalf, but upon what occasion the general execution
thereof is stayed or not called on, in good sooth, I cannot tell. This only I
know, that every function and several vocation striveth with other, which of
them should have all the water of commodity run into her own cistern.
[Footnote 10: Kerseys.]
Yeomen are those which by our law are called Legales homines, free men
born English, and may dispend of their own free land in yearly revenue to the
sum of forty shillings sterling, or six pounds as money goeth in our times.
Some are of the opinion, by Cap. 2 Rich. 2 Ann. 20, that they are same which
the Frenchmen call varlets, but, as the phrase is used in my time, it is very
unlikely to be so. The truth is that the word is derived from the Saxon term
Zeoman, or Geoman, which signifieth (as I have read) a settled or staid man,
such I mean as, being married and of some years, betaketh himself to stay in
the place of his abode for the better maintenance of himself and his family,
whereof the single sort have no regard, but are likely to be still fleeting
now hither now thither, which argueth want of stability in determination and
resolution of judgment, for the execution of things of any importance. This
sort of people have a certain pre-eminence, and more estimation that labourers
and the common sort of artificers, and these commonly live wealthily, keep
good houses, and travel to get riches. They are also for the most part farmers
to gentlemen (in old time called Pagani, et opponuntur militibus, and
therefore Persius calleth himself Semipaganus), or at the leastwise
artificers, and with grazing, frequenting of markets, and keeping of servants
(not idle servants, as the gentlemen do, but such as get both their own and
part of their masters' living), do come to great wealth, insomuch that many of
them are able and do buy the lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and often setting
their sons to the schools, to the universities, and to the Inns of the Court,
or, otherwise leaving them sufficient lands whereupon they may live without
labour, do make them by those means to become gentlemen. These were they that
in times past made all France afraid. And albeit they be not called "Master,"
as gentlemen are, or "Sir," as to knights appertaineth, but only "John" and
"Thomas," etc., yet have they been found to have done very good service.
[See An Inn: The Oldest Inn in England]
The kings of England in foughten battles were wont to remain among them
(who were their footmen) as the French kings did amongst their horsemen, the
prince thereby shewing where his chief strength did consist.
The fourth and last sort of people in England are day-labourers, poor
husbandmen, and some retailers (which have no free land) copyholders, and all
artificers, as tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, brickmakers, masons, etc. ^11
[Footnote 11: Capite censi, or Proletarii. - H.]
As for slaves and bondmen, we have none; nay, such is the privilege of
our country by the especial grace of God and bounty of our princes, that if
any come hither from other realms, so soon as they set foot on land they
become so free of condition as their masters, whereby all note of servile
bondage is utterly removed from them, wherein we resemble (not the Germans,
who had slaves also, though such as in respect of the slaves of other
countries might well be reputed free, but) the old Indians and the
Taprobanes, ^12 who supposed it a great injury to Nature to make or suffer them
to be bond, whom she in her wonted course doth product and bring forth free.
This fourth and last sort of people therefore have neither voice nor authority
in the commonwealth, but are to be ruled and not to rule other: yet they are
not altogether neglected, for in cities and corporate towns, for default of
yeomen, they are fain to make up their inquests of such manner of people. And
in villages they are commonly made churchwardens, sidesmen, aleconners, now
and then constables, and many times enjoy the name of head boroughs. Unto this
sort also may our great swarms of idle serving-men be referred, of whom there
runneth a proverb, "Young servingmen, old beggars," because service is none
heritage. These men are profitable to none; for, if their condition be well
perused, they are enemies to their masters, to their friends, and to
themselves: for by them oftentimes their masters are encouraged unto unlawful
exactions of their tenants, their friends brought unto poverty by their rents
enhanced, and they themselves brought to confusion by their own prodigality
and errors, as men that, having not wherewith of their own to maintain their
excesses, do search in highways, budgets, coffers, mails, and stables, which
way to supply their wants. How divers of them also, coveting to bear an high
sail, do insinuate themselves with young gentlemen and noblemen newly come to
their lands, the case is too much apparent, whereby the good natures of the
parties are not only a little impaired, but also their livelihoods and
revenues so wasted and consumed that, if at all, yet not in many years, they
shall be able to recover themselves. It were very good therefore that the
superfluous heaps of them were in part diminished. And since necessity
enforceth to have some, yet let wisdom moderate their numbers, so shall their
masters be rid of unnecessary charge, and the commonwealth of many thieves. No
nation cherisheth such store of them as we do here in England, in hope of
which maintenance many give themselves to idleness that otherwise would be
brought to labour, and live in order like subjects. Of their whoredoms I will
not speak anything at all, more than of their swearing; yet is it found that
some of them do make the first a chief pillar of their building, consuming not
only the goods but also the health and welfare of many honest gentlemen,
citizens, wealthy yeomen, etc., by such unlawful dealings. But how far have I
waded in this point, or how far may I sail in such a large sea? I will
therefore now stay to speak any more of those kind of men. In returning
therefore to my matter, this furthermore among other things I have to say of
our husbandmen and artificers, that they were never so excellent in their
trades as at this present. But as the workmanship of the latter sort was
newer, more fine, and curious to the eye, so was it never less strong and
substantial for continuance and benefit of the buyers. Neither is there
anything that hurteth the common sort of our artificers more than haste, and a
barbarous or slavish desire to turn the penny, and, by ridding their work, to
make speedy utterance of their wares: which enforceth them to bungle up and
despatch many things they care not how so they be out of their hands, whereby
the buyer is often sore defrauded, and findeth to his cost that haste maketh
waste, according to the proverb.
[Footnote 12: The Ceylonese. The Greek name for the island of Ceylon was
Taprobane, which Harrison used merely as a classical scholar. - W.]
Oh, how many trades and handicrafts are now in England whereof the
commonwealth hath no need! How many needful commodities have we which are
perfected with great cost, etc., and yet many with far more ease and less cost
be provided from other countries if we could use the means! I will not speak
of iron, glass, and such like, which spoil much wood, and yet are brought from
other countries better cheap than we can make them here at home; I could
exemplify also in many other. But to leave these things and proceed with our
purpose, and herein (as occasion serveth) generally, by way of conclusion, to
speak of the commonwealth of England, I find that it is governed and
maintained by three sorts of persons -
1. The prince, monarch, and head governor, which is called the king, or,
(if the crown fall to a woman), the queen: in whose name and by whose
authority all things are administered.
2. The gentlemen which be divided into two sorts, as the barony or estate
of lords (which containeth barons and all above that degree), and also those
that be no lords, as knights, esquires, and simple gentlemen, as I have noted
already. Out of these also are the great deputies and high presidents chosen,
of which one serveth in Ireland, as another did some time in Calais, and the
captain now at Berwick, as one lord president doth govern in Wales, and the
other the north parts of this island, which later, with certain counsellors
and judges, were erected by King Henry the Eighth. But, for so much as I have
touched their conditions elsewhere, it shall be enough to have remembered them
at this time.
3. The third and last sort is named the yeomanry, of whom and their
sequel, the labourers and artificers, I have said somewhat even now. Whereto I
add that they may not be called masters and gentlemen, but goodmen, as Goodman
Smith, Goodman Coot, Goodman Cornell, Goodman Mascall, Goodman Cockswet, etc.,
and in matters of law these and the like are called thus, Giles Jewd, yeoman;
Edward Mountford, yeoman; James Cocke, yeoman; Harry Butcher, yeoman, etc.; by
which addition they are exempt from the vulgar and common sorts. Cato calleth
them "Aratores et optimos cives rei publicae," of whom also you may read more
in the book of commonwealth which Sir Thomas Smith some time penned of this
land.
Chapter II
Of Cities And Towns In England
[1577, Book II., Chapter 7; 1587, Book II., Chapter 13.]
As in old time we read that there were eight-and-twenty flamines and
archflamines in the south part of this isle, and so many great cities under
their jurisdiction, so in these our days there is but one or two fewer, and
each of them also under the ecclesiastical regiment of some one bishop or
archbishop, who in spiritual cases have the charge and oversight of the same.
So many cities therefore are there in England and Wales as there be bishoprics
and archbishoprics. ^1 For, notwithstanding that Lichfield and Coventry and
Bath and Wells do seem to extend the aforesaid number unto nine-and-twenty,
yet neither of these couples are to be accounted but as one entire city and
see of the bishop, sith one bishopric can have relation but unto one see, and
the said see be situate but in one place, after which the bishop doth take his
name. ^2 . . .
[Footnote 1: If Harrison means to give us the impression that a city has any
direct connection with episcopal affairs, he is quite in error. Cities are
distinctly royal and imperial institutions. The accident of the number of
cities and sees being the same comes from the natural tendency of the two
institutions to drift together, though of distinct origin. - W.]
[Footnote 2: Here follows a long and learned disquisition upon the Roman and
other early towns, especially about St. Albans, a portion of which will be
found in the Appendix. - W.]
Certes I would gladly set down, with the names and number of the cities,
all the towns and villages in England and Wales with their true longitudes and
latitudes, but as yet I cannot come by them in such order as I would; howbeit
the tale of our cities is soon found by the bishoprics, sith every see hath
such prerogative given unto it as to bear the name of a city and to use
Regaleius within her own limits. Which privilege also is granted to sundry
ancient towns in England, especially northward, where more plenty of them is
to be found by a great deal than in the south. The names therefore of our
cities are these: London, York, Canterbury, Winchester, Carlisle, Durham, Ely,
Norwich, Lincoln, Worcester, Gloucester, Hereford, Salisbury, Exeter, Bath,
Lichfield, Bristol, Rochester, Chester, Chichester, Oxford, Peterborough,
Llandaff, St. Davids, Bangor, St. Asaph, whose particular plots and models,
with their descriptions, shall ensue, if it may be brought to pass that the
cutters can make desp tch of them before this history be published.
Of towns and villages likewise thus much will I say, that there were
greater store in old time (I mean within three or four hundred years passed)
than at this present. And this I note out of divers records, charters, and
donations (made in times past unto sundry religious houses, as Glastonbury,
Abingdon, Ramsey, Ely, and such like), and whereof in these days I find not so
much as the ruins. Leland, in sundry places, complaineth likewise of the decay
of parishes in great cities and towns, missing in some six or eight or twelve
churches and more, of all which he giveth particular notice. For albeit that
the Saxons builded many towns and villages, and the Normans well more at their
first coming, yet since the first two hundred years after the latter conquest,
they have gone so fast again to decay that the ancient number of them is very
much abated. Ranulph, the monk of Chester, telleth of general survey made in
the fourth, sixteenth, and nineteenth of the reign of William Conqueror,
surnamed the Bastard, wherein it was found that (notwithstanding the Danes had
overthrown a great many) there were to the number of 52,000 towns, 45,002
parish churches, and 75,000 knights' fees, whereof the clergy held 28,015. He
addeth moreover that there were divers other builded since that time, within
the space of a hundred years after the coming of the Bastard, as it were in
lieu or recompense of those that William Rufus pulled down for the erection of
his New Forest. For by an old book which I have, and some time written as it
seemeth by an under-sheriff of Nottingham, I find even in the time of Edward
IV. 45,120 parish churches, and but 60,216 knights' fees, whereof the clergy
held as before 28,015, or at the least 28,000; for so small is the difference
which he doth seem to use. Howbeit, if the assertions of such as write in our
time concerning this matter either are or ought to be of any credit in this
behalf, you shall not find above 17,000 towns and villages, and 9210 in the
whole, which is little more than a fourth part of the aforesaid number, if it
be thoroughly scanned. ^3 . . .
[Footnote 3: Here follows an allusion to the decay of Eastern cities. - W.]
In time past in Lincoln (as the same goeth) there have been two-and-fifty
parish churches, and good record appeareth for eight-and-thirty; but now, if
there be four-and twenty, it is all. This inconvenience hath grown altogether
to the church by appropriations made unto monasteries and religious houses - a
terrible canker and enemy to religion.
But to leave this lamentable discourse of so notable and grievous an
inconvenience, growing as I said by encroaching and joining of house to house
and laying land to land, whereby the inhabitants of many places of our country
are devoured and eaten up, and their houses either altogether pulled down or
suffered to decay little by little, although some time a poor man peradventure
doth dwell in one of them, who, not being able to repair it, suffereth it to
fall down - and thereto thinketh himself very friendly dealt withal, if he may
have an acre of ground assigned unto him, wherein to keep a cow, or wherein to
set cabbages, radishes, parsnips, carrots, melons, pompons, ^4 or such like
stuff, by which he and his poor household liveth as by their principal food,
sith they can do no better. And as for wheaten bread, they eat it when they
can reach unto the price of it, contenting themselves in the meantime with
bread made of oats or barley: a poor estate, God wot! Howbeit, what care our
great encroachers? But in divers places where rich men dwelled some time in
good tenements, there be now no houses at all, but hop-yards, and sheds for
poles, or peradventure gardens, as we may see in Castle Hedingham, and divers
other places. But to proceed.
[Footnote 4: The old and proper form of the modern pumpkin. - W.]
It is so that, our soil being divided into champaign ground and woodland,
the houses of the first lie uniformly builded in every town together, with
streets and lanes; whereas in the woodland countries (except here and there in
great market towns) they stand scattered abroad, each one dwelling in the
midst of his own occupying. And as in many and most great market towns, there
are commonly three hundred or four hundred families or mansions, and two
thousand communicants (or peradventure more), so in the other, whether they be
woodland or champaign, we find not often above forty, fifty, or three score
households, and two or three hundred communicants, whereof the greatest part
nevertheless are very poor folks, oftentimes without all manner of occupying,
sith the ground of the parish is gotten up into a few men's hands, yea
sometimes into the tenure of one or two or three, whereby the rest are
compelled either to be hired servants unto the other or else to beg their
bread in misery from door to door.
There are some (saith Leland) which are not so favourable, when they have
gotten such lands, as to let the houses remain upon them to the use of the
poor; but they will compound with the lord of the soil to pull them down for
altogether, saying that "if they did let them stand, they should but toll
beggars to the town, thereby to surcharge the rest of the parish, and lay more
burden upon them." But alas! these pitiful men see not that they themselves
hereby do lay the greatest log upon their neighbours' necks. For, sithethe
prince deth commonly loose nothing of his duties accustomable to be paid, the
rest of the parishioners that remain must answer and bear them out: for they
plead more charge other ways, saying: "I am charged already with a light
horse; I am to answer in this sort, and after that matter." And it is not yet
altogether out of knowledge, that, where the king had seven pounds thirteen
shillings at a task gathered of fifty wealthy householders of a parish in
England, now, a gentleman having three parts of the town in his own hands,
four households do bear all the aforesaid payment, or else Leland is deceived
in his Commentaries, lib. 13, lately come to my hands, which thing he
especially noted in his travel over this isle. A common plague and enormity,
both in the heart of the land and likewise upon the coasts. Certes a great
number complain of the increase of poverty, laying the cause upon God, as
though he were in fault for sending such increase of people, or want of wars
that should consume them, affirming that the land was never so full, etc.; but
few men do see the very root from whence it doth proceed. Yet the Romans found
it out, when they flourished, and therefore prescribed limits to every man's
tenure and occupying. Homer commendeth Achilles for overthrowing of
five-and-twenty cities: but in mine opinion Ganges is much better preferred by
Suidas for building of three score in India, where he did plant himself. I
could (if need required) set down in this place the number of religious houses
and monasteries, with the names of their founders, that have been in this
island: but, sith it is a thing of small importance, I pass it over as
impertinent to my purpose. Yet herein I will commend sundry of the monastical
votaries, especially monks, for that they were authors of many goodly borowes
and endwares, ^5 near unto their dwellings although otherwise they pretended
to be men separated from the world. But alas! their covetous minds, one way in
enlarging their revenues, and carnal intent another, appeared herein too, too
much. For, being bold from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought
oft great wickedness, and made those endwares little better than
brothel-houses, especially where nunneries were far off, or else no safe
access unto them. But what do I spend my time in the rehearsal of these
filthinesses? Would to God the memory of them might perish with the
malefactors! My purpose was also at the end of this chapter to have set down a
table of the parish churches and market towns throughout all England and
Wales; but, sith I cannot perform the same as I would, I am forced to give
over my purpose; yet by these few that ensue you shall easily see what I would
have used according to the shires, if I might have brought it to pass.
[See Table 1.: Table of Shires, Market Towns and Parishes]
[Footnote 5: The first is a variant on a Keltic, the second on a Saxon, word,
both relating to matters sufficiently indicated in the text. - W.]
And these I had of a friend of mine, by whose travel and his master's
excessive charges I doubt not but my countrymen ere long shall see all England
set forth in several shires after the same manner that Ortelius hath dealt
with other countries of the main, to the great benefit of our nation and
everlasting fame of the aforesaid parties.
